How does unions benefit workers

For example, in industries and occupations where a strong core of workplaces are unionized, nonunion employers will frequently meet union standards or, at least, improve their compensation and labor practices beyond what they would have provided if there were no union presence.

Union wage-setting, which has gained exposure through media coverage, has frequently established standards of what workers generally, including many nonunion workers, expect from their employers. As unions weakened, especially in the manufacturing sector, their ability to set broader patterns has diminished.

However, unions remain a source of innovation in work practices e. The impact of unions on wage dynamics and the overall wage structure is not easily measurable. First, the union presence will likely be felt most in the markets where unions are seeking to organize—the nonunion employers affected are those in competition with unionized employers. These markets vary in nature. Some of these markets are national, such as many manufacturing industries, while others are local—janitors and hotel and supermarket workers.

Some markets are defined by the product—what employers sell, such as autos, tires and so on—while other markets are occupational, such as music, carpentry, and acting. In practice, economists have used union density, the percentage of an industry that is unionized, as their proxy. The assumption here is that employers in highly organized settings face a higher threat of union organization than a nonunion employer in a mostly unorganized industry. In broad strokes, this is a reasonable assumption.

However, taken too literally and simply, union density can be misleading. Second, the relationship between union density and nonunion wages is not linear.

Empirically, this means a 20 percentage point change in unionization density from zero to 20 may have no effect, but a change from 20 to 40 will have an effect. Therefore, the relationship between union density and nonunion wages depends on the level of density: significant effects after a threshold level of density e.

The sensitivity of the results to the specification—a linear or nonlinear specification of union density—is seen in studies of the union threat effect. A linear specification assumes that small changes at any level have the same impact, while a nonlinear specification allows the union effect to differ at different levels of unionization—perhaps less at low levels and more at medium or high levels.

They found that union density had no association with higher nonunion pay the relationship was positive but not statistically significant.

Mishel replicated those results p. Farber , has conducted the most recent analysis of union threat effects, the relationship between union density and nonunion wages across industries, in the private sector. In one analysis, Farber finds a positive threat effect for the s, s, and mids. Farber also shows, not surprisingly, that the threat effect is greater for workers with no more than high school degree but minimal for those with a college degree.

Nevertheless, threat effects still prevailed across decades for those without high school degrees and for those with high school degrees, and in the s for those with some college education. For example, nonunionized high school graduates the largest category of workers in the United States earned 2.

The union effect on total nonunion wages is nearly comparable to the effect of unions on total union wages. Table 5 illustrates the union impact on union, nonunion, and average wages among workers with a high school education. The total effect of unions on the average high school wage in this example is an 8. Two conclusions can be reached based on these studies. First, unions have a positive impact on the wages of nonunion workers in industries and markets where unions have a strong presence.

Second, because the nonunion sector is large, the union effect on the overall aggregate wage comes almost as much from the impact of unions on nonunion workers as on union workers. An extensive array of labor laws and regulations protects workers in the labor market and the workplace. However, beyond their role in initiating and advocating enactment of these laws and regulations, unions have also played an important role in enforcing workplace regulations.

Common to all of these rules is a desire to provide protections for workers either by regulating the behavior of employers or by giving workers access to certain benefits in times of need Weil ; Davis ; Amberg Over the years, these rules have become mainstays of the American workplace experience, constituting expressions of cherished public values Gottesman ; Freeman and Medoff Government agencies charged with the enforcement of regulations cannot monitor every workplace nor automate the issuance of insurance claims resulting from unemployment or injury.

This is done either by reporting an abuse or filing a claim. Unions have been crucial in this aspect by giving workers the relevant information about their rights and the necessary procedures, but also by facilitating action by limiting employer reprisals, correcting disinformation, aggregating multiple claims, providing resources to make a claim, and negotiating solutions to disputes on behalf of workers Freeman and Rogers ; Weil ; Hirsch, et al.

Evidence of the vital role of unions in implementing labor protections can be found in the research on various programs and benefits. Union membership significantly increases the likelihood that a worker will file a claim or report an abuse. Unemployment insurance UI is a joint federal and state program that was created in the Social Security Act of to provide some income replacement to workers who lose their job through no fault of their own.

Budd and McCall offer a cost-benefit decision-making analysis to explain the costs facing the unemployed worker in filing a UI claim. In fact, the main reason that many unemployed workers never file a claim is because they thought they were not eligible Wandner and Stettner The threat of an employer retaliating by not rehiring a laid-off worker might be another cost weighing on the decision to file a claim.

Unions can help offset the costs of workers who are laid off. Primarily, unions provide information to workers about benefit expectations, rules, and procedures, and dispel stigmas that might be attached to receiving a social benefit.

Unions also can negotiate in their contracts layoff recall procedures based on seniority and protection against firing for other than a just cause, as well as help workers build files in the case of a disputed claim Budd and McHall Additionally, the union-wage differential reduces the likelihood that unemployed workers will be ineligible for benefits because their pay is too low Wenger At the peak of UI coverage in , one in every two unemployed workers received UI benefits.

Blank and Card found that the decline in unionization explained one-third of the decline in UI recipiency over this period. These findings underscore the difference unions make in ensuring that the unemployment insurance system works. Considering that UI acts as a stabilizer for the economy during times of recession, the role of unions in this program is pivotal Wandner and Stettner The employer is liable in the system, regardless of fault, and in return they are protected from lawsuits and further liability.

Once again, lack of information about eligibility and the necessary procedures for filing a claim forms the greatest obstacle to receipt of benefits. Fear of employer-imposed penalties and employer disinformation are important other factors weighed by workers deciding whether to act.

As with unemployment insurance, unions provide information to workers through their representatives, and they often negotiate procedures to handle indemnity claims. Through grievance procedures and negotiated contracts, unions protect workers from employer retaliation and, furthermore, act to dispel the notion among workers that employer retaliation is commonplace Hirsch et al.

Hirsch et al. According to Biddle, higher denial rates lead to lower claim rates. The robust finding of Hirsch et al. They currently have only 2, inspectors to monitor over seven million establishments. Following the trend of declining unionization, OSHA claims have dropped from their peak in of over 71, and are currently at close to 37, Siskind ; OSHA The leave taker is guaranteed the same or equivalent position upon return.

There is also widespread misunderstanding on the part of the employer about whom the act covers and when it applies. There is evidence that this leads employers to reject legally entitled leaves Budd and Brey Union members were found to have significantly less anxiety about losing their job or suffering other employer-imposed penalties for taking leave. And although the authors did not find union membership significantly increases the likelihood that a worker would take leave, they did find that union members were far more likely to receive full pay for leave taken.

The biggest obstacle to workers exercising their rights under the FMLA—besides the fact that the leave is unpaid rather than paid—is information, since only a very slim majority has even heard of the act. If you wish to report a problem with a road or street you can do so online in this section. If you wish to check on a problem or fault you have already reported, contact DfI Roads.

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What to do next For queries about your identity check, email nida nidirect. What to do next For queries or advice about criminal record checks, email ani accessni. North Dakota 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws.

Ohio 1 Laws provide collective bargaining rights to a majority of public employees. Oklahoma 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Oregon 1 Laws provide collective bargaining rights to a majority of public employees. Pennsylvania 1 Laws provide collective bargaining rights to a majority of public employees. Rhode Island 1 Laws provide collective bargaining rights to a majority of public employees.

South Carolina 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. South Dakota 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Tennessee 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Texas 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Utah 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Vermont 1 Laws provide collective bargaining rights to a majority of public employees.

Virginia 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Washington 1 Laws provide collective bargaining rights to a majority of public employees.

West Virginia 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Wisconsin 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. Wyoming 2 No comprehensive bargaining laws. While federal laws provide most private-sector workers and federal government workers with the right to unionize and bargain collectively, there is as of yet no federal law guaranteeing that right for state and local government workers like teachers.

A patchwork of state laws provides inconsistent rights for these public workers. Promoting and encouraging organizing and collective bargaining was the purpose and goal of the original Wagner Act the NLRA. However, after the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act, employers have argued that the law is not pro-union but is neutral.

The statutory language must be strengthened to provide that NLRB actions that do not meet the statutory standard of promoting organizing and collective bargaining could be invalidated by a reviewing court as contrary to the governing law under the Administrative Procedures Act.

This approach is similar to that taken under the Occupational Safety and Health Act, which states that health standards must provide the maximum level of protection to workers that is technologically feasible, and standards that fall short of this level of protection can be invalidated by the courts. Workers need a fair chance to hear from union representatives about the benefits of unionization, including the ways in which unions help strengthen health and safety protections at the workplace.

Currently, employers are able to deliver their anti-union messages at the workplace and on work time, because the employer controls the workplace and directs how work time is spent. Nine out of 10 employers require workers to attend captive-audience meetings during organizing campaigns Bronfenbrenner Workers have only a limited ability to hear from union supporters at the workplace, and their access has been further curtailed by the Trump NLRB, which has restricted the ability of workers and organizers to organize at their workplace McNicholas et al.

This imbalance undermines the ability of workers to organize together. The law should be amended to require employers to grant reasonable access to union organizers, off-duty employees, and off-duty contractor employees to nonworking areas to talk with workers on their nonworking time. In addition, workers who have not yet organized a union should be able to designate a union representative as their representative during an OSHA inspection and related proceedings.

The COVID crisis shows that workers with union representation have fared better than nonunion workers in terms of advocating for safety equipment and protocols. Workers should not have to go through the formal NLRB election process to gain the benefit of union advocacy and expertise when it comes to their health and safety on the job.

Specifically, employers should be required to recognize and bargain with a union if a majority of workers indicate their support for the union as their representative. The law should not allow employers to determine whether workers have a formal election—that choice should be left up to workers, not the employer.

This method of forming unions has been recognized and used by employers in the United States for decades. In addition, the NLRB should be directed to allow electronic voting in representation elections.

Electronic voting has been used by the National Mediation Board for years, and it should be allowed and encouraged—particularly given the health risks associated with large gatherings Muller Employers try to gerrymander the bargaining unit by adding workers they think will vote against the union or removing those who support representation.

Similarly, workers should be able to designate a multi-employer bargaining arrangement, and their proposed arrangement should be certified unless the employer can make a compelling case as to why its participation in a multi-employer bargaining unit is unworkable Rhinehart and McNicholas At the beginning of the COVID pandemic, essential workers in health care, food service, warehouses, grocery stores, meatpacking plants, and other settings raised concerns about the risk of workplace exposure to COVID and the lack of personal protective equipment and other safety protections.

Too often, these workers were fired or faced other retaliation for raising these concerns Hiltzik ; Kruzel ; Davenport, Bhattarai, and McGregor In other places, workers were called back to work at workplaces that did not have sufficient health and safety protections and were faced with the prospect of working at an unsafe job and risking contracting a deadly disease, or refusing to work and risking losing their unemployment benefits.

Workers should not be faced with choosing between their health and their livelihood. The law must be strengthened to explicitly protect workers who refuse to perform hazardous work from being fired or retaliated against. These protections exist to some extent now under the Occupational Safety and Health Act and the NLRA, but the protections are weak and the enforcement is up to the government agency.

And because strikes have shown themselves to be effective and often necessary to force action on safety and health, states should be required to provide unemployment insurance for strikers Block and Sachs The NLRA should be amended to expand coverage to agricultural, domestic, and student workers so these workers can form unions and fight for health and safety protections on the job.

Workers who have spoken out about the lack of protections at grocery stores have been raising issues of importance to both workers and consumers who shop at these stores. Workers who have been raising concerns about a lack of protective equipment in health care settings have been concerned about their own safety and also that of patients and family members visiting patients.

Meatpacking workers who have raised concerns about a lack of protections at their plants have raised issues that are also of concern to their communities, because workers who contract COVID on the job carry the disease home with them to their communities. Similarly, when workers speak out about corporate practices—such as the Google workers who petitioned their employer about contracting with ICE, or employees urging stronger action by Google on climate change Wong —they are using their voice as workers to try to bring about better corporate practices.

Workers form unions because they want to bargain with their employers and reach agreement about issues that matter to them—issues like health and safety, wages, protections against sexual harassment, and dignity on the job. The PRO Act establishes an important mediation and arbitration process for ensuring that newly organized workers reach a first agreement. Relatedly, workers should not need to start from scratch when bargaining a contract with a newly organized employer.

Where a union has a significant presence at an employer, in an industry, or in a geographic area, the law should provide a process for the union to extend the contract standards for wages and benefits that the union has achieved through bargaining with these employers to newly organized groups.

The PRO Act establishes a mediation and arbitration process for achieving initial collective bargaining agreements for newly organized workers. That process should default to the contract standards the union has been able to achieve with other employers in the industry or area, or such higher standards as the union demonstrates are appropriate Rhinehart and McNicholas Health and safety is consistently cited as one of the most important issues to working people, and the COVID crisis has only elevated its importance.

Unions routinely bargain with employers over health and safety protections, and collective bargaining gives workers a stronger voice for addressing these critical issues than they would have individually. This artificially narrows the joint-employer inquiry and excludes an issue of extreme importance to working people Becker and Berner Legislation should make clear that health and safety is an essential term of employment.

Starting in the mids, Black workers began to be more likely to be in unions and to have a larger union premium than white workers.

Further, these numbers are not seasonally adjusted. The other unemployment rates listed in this paragraph, and the overall unemployment rate, peaked in April. Essential workers in this data set include workers in food and agriculture; emergency services; transportation, warehouse, and delivery; industrial, commercial, residential facilities and services; health care; government and community-based services; communications and IT; financial sector; energy sector; water and wastewater management; chemical sector; and critical manufacturing.

See Table 3 in McNicholas and Poydock a. Front-line industries in this data set include grocery, convenience, and drugstore workers; public transit workers; trucking, warehouse, and postal service workers; building cleaning service workers; health care workers; and child care and social services workers. The United Food and Commercial Workers secured increased pay and benefits for workers in more than a dozen meatpacking and food-processing companies.

As of July , all stores had eliminated premium pay for front-line workers. The United Auto Workers persuaded General Motors, Ford, and Fiat Chrysler to shut down operations for two weeks to slow the spread of the virus, and they negotiated with the companies to provide all workers with protective gear, including masks. See UAW and Engdahl The Communications Workers of America secured additional paid sick and family leave for unionized Verizon workers.

The agreement includes 26 weeks of paid sick leave for individuals diagnosed with COVID and eight weeks of paid leave for those caring for an individual medically diagnosed with COVID See CWA The Teamsters reached an agreement with DHL Express that relaxes rules pertaining to vacation use by workers for the shipping company if shipping volumes drop.

See Teamsters In this analysis, the unionized public-sector workforce 7. So, for example, education and health services workers who work in the public sector are included in this tally, not in the private-sector education and health services industries tallies.

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